Authored by scholars from a variety of disciplines, including English, Theology, Philosophy, Communications, Sociology, Humanities and Peace Studies, this edited volume provides detailed descriptions of the many ways popular culture can be used to teach peace. Chapters discuss documentary and feature film, music, television, literature and more, providing both educators and the general public with a timely and useful tool. From popular dystopian novels like The Hunger Games to feature films like The Matrix to modern rap and hip-hop music, contributors not only provide critical analysis of the violence in popular culture but also an assessment of how the same or alternate forms can be used by peace educators. Additionally, each chapter project synopses and teaching ideas, as well as recommended resources.

Practice and research of peace education has grown in the recent years as shown by a steadily increasing number of publications, programs, events, and funding mechanisms. The oft-cited point of departure for the peace education community is the belief in education as a valuable tool for decreasing the use of violence in conflict and for building cultures of positive peace hallmarked by just and equitable structures. Educators and organizations implementing peace education activities and programming, however, often lack the tools and capacities for evaluation and thus pay scant regard to this step in program management. Reasons for this inattention are related to the perceived urgency to prioritize new and more action in the context of scarce financial and human resources, notwithstanding violence or conflict; the lack of skills and time to indulge in a thorough evaluative strategy; and the absence of institutional incentives and support. Evaluation is often demand-driven by donors who emphasize accounting given the current context of international development assistance and budget cuts. Program evaluation is considered an added burden to already over-tasked programmers who are unaware of the incentives and of assessment techniques. Peace education practitioners are typically faced with forcing evaluation frameworks, techniques, and norms standardized for traditional education programs and venues. Together, these conditions create an unfavorable environment in which evaluation becomes under-valued, de-prioritized, and mythologized for its laboriousness. This volume serves three inter-related objectives. First, it offers a critical reflection on theoretical and methodological issues regarding evaluation applied to peace education interventions and programming. The overarching questions of the nature of peace and the principles guiding peace education, as well as governing theories and assumptions of change, transformation, and complexity are explored. Second, the volume investigates existing quantitative, qualitative, and mixed methods evaluation practices of peace educators in order to identify what needs related to evaluation persist among practitioners. Promising practices are presented from peace education programming in different settings (formal and non-formal education), within various groups (e.g. children, youth, police, journalists) and among diverse cultural contexts. Finally, the volume proposes ideas of evaluation, novel techniques for experimentation, and creative adaptation of tools from related fields, in order to offer pragmatic and philosophical substance to peace educators' "next moves" and inspire the agenda for continued exploration and innovation. The authors come from variety of fields including education, peace and conflict studies, educational evaluation, development studies, comparative education, economics, and psychology.

Born in what is now Algeria, Augustine trained in classical Latin rhetoric and became a professor of rhetoric in Rome. He later studied neo-Platonic philosophy and experienced a conversion to Christianity in 386. [Through his numerous theological writings, Augustine became one of the major architects of Latin Christian political theory at a time when Roman civilization was in decline.] In his work 'The City of God', Augustine developed his most influential doctrines: on history, grace and predestination, free will, a true republic, the duties of Christians to the state, the just war, the relationship of the institutional Church to secular government and the 'city of God' to 'the city of man'. This notion of the two cities influenced political theory throughout the next 800 years and beyond. [The political theories of Augustine rest on his profoundly pessimistic view that human nature is corrupted beyond any hope of rational self-amelioration and that man tends naturally to do evil rather than to do good. As a consequence of this, political association is, for Augustine, an instrument of coercion and protection from harm rather that an instrument of human fulfilment.] Augustine's ideas were adopted and rejected in turn throughout the middle ages as men attempted to reconcile his negative views of the necessity of the state with the more optimistic views of Aristotle, rediscovered in the 13th century. The Reformation in the 16th century saw a revival of the influence of Augustine's thought and his political opinions have special resonances for the 20th century. The stimulating articles contained in these two volumes serve to explain and to explore the development of Augustine's ideas on society and politics.

Plato of Athens (c 429-347 BC) is the earliest European thinker whose thoughts on politics survive to any great extent. His work, contained in The Republic, the Statesman, the Laws and the unfinished Critias, amongst other works, has made major contributions to the agenda of Western Political thought and its content. [In The Republic, Plato's preoccupation was the concept of the just individual and the just state.] His view that intellect and political authority should be correlated has been a major theme of political thought down the centuries, influencing both authoritarian and egalitarian attitudes to government and democracy. In his later work Plato's concern shifted from the question of justice to questions of the competence of rulers, which in The Statesman he treated as of the first importance, and eventually to the role of law and a mixed constitution, along with religion, in guaranteeing political order. The papers in this authoritative selection explore various aspects of Plato's thought including social structure, education, freedom, property, the status of women, human motivation and racism in addition to his views on law, reason and justice. The vast array of topics covered shows how Plato's work adumbrates many of the concerns of political thought up to the present day and indeed is still relevant in our modern age.

The work of Niccolo Machiavelli (1469-1527) has a variety of meanings for different interpreters. Some attribute to him a new 'scientific method' of drawing conclusions from practical or historical experience in order to form rules for successful political behaviour, with its emphasis on man's behavioural patterns rather than on moral precepts as a basis for politics. Others attribute to him a belief in the autonomy of the state - that the state is a structure governed by its own laws of development and that it finds its justification only in terms of its success. Others again emphasise his republicanism and see him as a theorist of the modern state. [Some believe his first name is the proper basis of an appellation of the Devil.] Although a lucid writer in many respects, the metaphorical way in which Machiavelli expressed some of his key concepts and his preference for working through examples rather that elaborating principles has given much scope for debate about his actual intentions. These volumes present in chronological order the most significant articles on Machiavelli written in the 20th century and offer a representative selection of the numerous interpretations of his work.

Hugo Grotius (1583-1645), the Dutch jurist and philosopher, is a key theorist of the post-mediaeval state. According to Grotius, the state is not subject to any terrestrial superior, either political or ecclesiastical. His political writings develop the consequences of this condition including the construction of state authority in terms of 'natural rights', acknowledging the right to self-protection and the needs of individuals. A further development is the idea that the state is the instrument of justice beyond its own boundaries. He asserted that there were universal moral standards that could be used to judge questions of international conflict. This universal morality was based on two prinicples: that self-preservation is always legitimate; and that wanton injury of another is always illegitimate. [On this foundation, rules for reconciling conflict could be erected and the existence of civil society explained.] These views have characterised much political thought from Grotius' day to the present and have played their part in the history of international law. This collection of articles presents in chronological order the writings of 20th century authors on Grotius and covers such topics as the life of Grotius, the evolution of his ideas, his contribution to the theory of 'natural law' and his wider significance as a political thinker.

Thomas Hobbes (1588-1679) is best known for his development of the concept of sovereignty, which was treated most clearly in his great work, Leviathan. Whilst Hobbes was not the first theorist of sovereignty, he remains perhaps the most thorough exponent of the concept. His accounts of morality and religion, as well as of government, are set out in a way that precludes legitimate challenge to the sovereign's authority: and the soovereign, whether monarchical or republican or parliamentary, was taken by Hobbes to be fundamental to civil life. Much of the literature on Hobbes has been devoted to his work on sovereignty. However, this does not exhaust the interest of Hobbes' thought, and recent scholars have also investigated such topics as his conception of historiography, his natural philosophy and his account of religion, and considered how these relate to his political thought. The articles selected in these three volumes reflect these concerns and offer an exploration of Hobbes' political philosophy.

The work of David Hume (1711-76), the Scottish historian and philosopher, constitutes a break with the assumptions of his predecessors who suggested that our ideas and practices answered to a rational design, whether divine or human. Instead Hume emphasized the origins of our ideas in sensation, suggested that reason was properly the slave of the passions, and located the origins of social and political institutions in utility and sentiment. Hume's philosophy found its complement in his political essays and History of England, which emhphasized unintended results and the complexity of the historical process. Altogether Hume's work constitutes the first thoroughgoing attempt since the rise of Christianity to characterize human experience in terms that offered an alternative to theologically-based or para-theological theories. As such, its importance for subsequent developments, like that of Kant's work, is not to be underestimated. This significant anthology contains articles on different aspects of his thought - his historical works, his political scepticism, his concepts of justice, liberty and property and moral evaluation.

Thomas Aquinas (1224-74) was born in Naples of a powerful Italian family. He took part in the major philosophical and theological controversies of his day and fought the decisive battle which re-admitted the study of the works of Aristotle. In his work he attempted to harmonise the rational insights of the classical world with revealed Christian truths. [He reinterpreted the Augustinian view of history and politics by concluding that the state did have positive value in itself, as an expression of God's providence and will for mankind. Man fulfilled himself in two ways - as a good citizen and as a Christian seeking salvation. Aquinas is therefore seen as reconciling the views of the pagan Aristotle with the teachings of Christianity.] Aquinas' theory of the state helped to put European political thought on a new plane. This wide-ranging collection of papers investigates and illuminates various aspects of Aquinas' thought regarding Church and State, society, natural law, justice and political authority.

Thomas More (1478-1535), English statesman, author and saint, was a lawyer, politician and diplomat, a leading member of the Renaissance of northern Europe and a defender of the Roman Catholic faith. In the history of political thought More is remembered as the author of Utopia, a little book which gave rise to a genre of literature and a name for a mode of theorising, which explicitly criticises existing political and social arrangements from a radical perspective and also offers new ideals and illustrates how these might be realised in an imaginery society. For over four hundred years the meaning of More's Utopia has confounded scholars. Many of the ideas advanced in the book, e.g. on rational religion and religious toleration, seem to be at odds with the events of More's political career and his practical religious position. Moreover there is much disagreement about the meaning and importance of the substantial satiric elements it contains. This collection contains a great variety of authoritative articles which not only investigate More's life and the influences on his work, but also offer the reader a selection of the various interpretations and comparisons of his writings that scholars have made in the course of this century.

John Locke (1632-1704), the English philosopher, has had a wide-ranging influence on modern political thought. Locke's political philosophy is based on the premise that by nature human beings are equal and that therefore no-one is under the authority of another unless by his own consent. In Locke's view, natural law constitutes and protects rights of life, liberty and property. His writings are a turning point in the theory of natural rights, linking constitutionalism and toleration. The impact of his ideas can be seen in the American constitution, in the French Revolution and in the development of modern liberalism. His theory of property is a basis for modern discussion of the subject and its emphasis on labour as a source of value and entitlement forms the background for the later economics of both Adam Smith and Karl Marx. The articles contained in these volumes have been carefully selected in order to put Locke's work in a wider context. They explore various aspects of Locke's political theory and investigate his theories on property, natural law, the 'state of nature' and toleration.

Aristotle (384-322 BC) was born in Northern Greece. He moved to Athens where he associated himself with Plato's academy. He later became tutor to the young Alexander the Great at the Macedonian court but returned to Athens in 335 to found his own school of philosophy. Aristotle's basic political contention was that the state is a natural entity and is the perfect form of human community. This view of man's relation to the state has been one of the most persistent in the history of political thought and has been developed in many ways by a multitude of thinkers. [In his own writings Aristotle developed and explained existing political arrangements rather than offering radical alternatives, and this conservative practicality was highly regarded by political thinkers prior to 1789. On the other hand, the high evaluation which Aristotle placed on the middle orders of society appeals to readers of a more egalitarian age.] The articles in this scholarly collection offer insights into many areas of Aristotle's work, including 'forms of government, the place of the individual in relation to the state and ethical, economic and 'sociological considerations.

Weber's claim that Buddhism is an otherworldly religion is only partially true. Early sources indicate that the Buddha was sometimes diverted from supramundane interests to dwell on a variety of politically-related matters. The significance of Asoka Maurya as a paradigm for later traditions of Buddhist kingship is also well-attested. However, there has been little scholarly effort to integrate findings on the extent to which Buddhism interacted with the political order in the classical and modern states of Theravada Asia into a wider, comparative study.
This volume brings together the brightest minds in the study of Buddhism in Southeast Asia. Their contributions create a more coherent account of the relations between Buddhism and political order in the late pre-modern and modern period by questioning the contested relationship between monastic and secular power. In doing so, they expand the very nature of what is known as the 'Theravada'.
Buddhism, Power and Political Order offers new insights for scholars of Buddhism, and it will stimulate new debates.

Weber's claim that Buddhism is an otherworldly religion is only partially true. Early sources indicate that the Buddha was sometimes diverted from supramundane interests to dwell on a variety of politically-related matters. The significance of Asoka Maurya as a paradigm for later traditions of Buddhist kingship is also well-attested. However, there has been little scholarly effort to integrate findings on the extent to which Buddhism interacted with the political order in the classical and modern states of Theravada Asia into a wider, comparative study.
This volume brings together the brightest minds in the study of Buddhism in Southeast Asia. Their contributions create a more coherent account of the relations between Buddhism and political order in the late pre-modern and modern period by questioning the contested relationship between monastic and secular power. In doing so, they expand the very nature of what is known as the 'Theravada'.

Buddhism, Power and Political Order offers new insights for scholars of Buddhism, and it will stimulate new debates.

To improve and succeed, a chessplayer must be able calculate precisely and visualize prospective positions. This is easier said than done. While pondering the next move, a chessplayer frequently keeps “replaying” the same melody in his mind, thus falling into a kind of trance.

This book by Russian grandmaster Konstantin Chernyshov is designed to improve your visualization and calculation skills. With 500 exercises and an additional 250 puzzles, the author provides a vast amount of material to work through for students and coaches of the game. Most exercises require the reader to go through several stages of thought, including visualizing the configuration of the pieces, evaluating the resulting positions, and finally, calculating an accurate continuation.

The regimen suggested by the author will require a disciplined approach by serious chessplayers. The exercises and puzzles start out with easy examples, but they gradually become more difficult. And all are meant to be solved without sight of the board.

As noted by Ian Harris in his foreword:
"Cognitive Chess is designed to train you to visualize the board and correctly calculate sequences in your mind, skills that are essential to problem solving in all phases of the game. Players who train in these areas will certainly see an overall improvement in their game. After all, chess is ultimately a contest between opponents to determine who can “out-calculate” the other."

Cognitive Chess: When you are serious about taking your game to the next level...

This book constitutes the thoroughly refereed post-conference proceedings of the 6th International Haifa Verification Conference, HVC 2010, held in Haifa, Israel in October 2010. The 10 revised full papers presented together with 7 invited papers were carefully reviewed and selected from 30 submissions. The papers address all current issues, challenges and future directions of verification for hardware, software, and hybrid systems and have a research focus on hybrid methods and the migration of methods and ideas between hardware and software, static and dynamic analysis, pre- and post-silicon.

John Locke (1632SH1704) is a central figure in the history of liberal doctrine. His mind spanned questions concerning Christian worship, ethics, political economy, medicine, human understanding, revealed theology, and education. The effect of this study is both to show how the character of his wider concerns informed The Two Treatises of Government and to indicate how his political theory, in its turn, contributed to the further development of his vision. The book therefore offers the first fully integrated study of the mind of John Locke.

These 20 essays illustrate teaching strategies that can be incorporated into community-based practicums and internships. The book explores the innovative uses of experiential education in community work. Useful techniques for community problem-solving and ways in which groups can learn to work together more effectively are provided. There are new applications of democratic practice. Mutual self-respect and collective self-reliance are encouraged. Practitioners will find they can have power in an increasingly interdependent society and world. Experiential Education for Community Development suggests a degree of pre-planning accompanied by analysis. The essays are organized by topic. Two beginning essays provide an overview and general theoretical orientation to the material. The next four sections offer a variety of case studies on community work education experience in the United States and other countries drawn primarily from programs of community and organizational development and community education. An afterword presents a synthesis of the editors' findings and an assessment of the future of experiential education in community work. This volume is the third in a series on the concepts, issues, and strategies of community development education and training. Experiential Education for Community Development is a valuable resource for practitioners and teachers of community work.

John Locke (1632-1704) is a central figure in the history of thought, and in liberal doctrine especially. This major study brings a range of his wider views to bear upon his political theory. Every political theorist has a vision, a view about the basic features of life and society, as well as technique which mediates this into propositions about politics. Locke's vision spanned questions concerning Christian worship, ethics, political economy, medicine, the human understanding, revealed theology and education. This study shows how the character of these wider concerns informed Two Treatises of Government, especially in respect of a view of divine teleology, and situated a distinctive view of politics which treated the state and the church in parallel terms.

This is the first collection of the writings of Edmund Burke that precede Reflections on the Revolution in France. A thinker whose range transcends formal boundaries, Burke has been highly prized by both conservatives and liberal socialists, and this new edition charts the development of his thought and its importance as a response to the events of his day. Burke's mind spanned theology, aesthetics, moral philosophy and history, as well as the political affairs of Ireland, England, America, India and France, and he united these concerns in his view of inequality. This edition provides the student with all the necessary information for an understanding of the complexities of Burke's thought. Each text is prefaced by a summary, and extensive notes and an introduction place these works in the context of Burke's thought as a whole.

In The Price of Fish, Michael Mainelli and Ian Harris examine in a unique way the world's most abiding and wicked problems sustainability, global warming, over-fishing, overpopulation, the pensions crisis; all of which are characterized by a set of messy, circular, aggressive and peculiarly long-term problems and go on to suggest that it is not the circumstances that are too complex, but our way of reading them that is too simple. Too simple and often wrong. The authors aim to blend four streams choice, economics, systems and evolution in a combination they believe is the key to making better decisions and, in turn, finding answers to the world's most pernicious problems.